Andrew Gilligan har vært i Tunisia og det han forteller er urovekkende: islamistpartiet Ennadha snakker med to tunger. De sier en ting offisielt og en annen ting i moskeene, som de tar over, en for en.

Det skaper en spent og urolig atmosfære. De første angrep på sekulære personligheter har allerede funnet sted.

At the Cannes Film Festival this month, Nouri Bouzid, the celebrated director and opponent of Islamist extremism, received the Legion d’Honneur, the highest award France can bestow.
A few weeks before that, in his native Tunisia, came a rather different form of recognition: he was stabbed in the head.
“The attack might have been triggered by an angry reaction to my pro-secular stands and rejection of [extremist Islamic] culture,” said Bouzid, who appeared on Tunisian television at the time with a large bloodied gash above his left ear.
“This could be the start of [their] campaign against signs of creativity in our country that don’t agree with their ideas.”
Bouzid is careful not to blame any group or party for the attack.
But just a week later, the source of some of the hostility to him became clearer.
At an April 17 rally organised by Ennahda, Tunisia’s largest Islamist party, a speaker called for Bouzid to be “shot with a Kalashnikov”.
The audience, which included a senior Ennahda leader, responded with cries of “Allahu Akbar”.

Nå spørs det hvilken side Vesten kommer til å støtte. I praksis vil det si: kommer de til å vie filmskapere som Nouri Bouzid støtte, eller vil de forbigå slike angrep i taushet? Handlinger snakker høyere enn ord, både i Tunisia, Egypt og i Oslo.

At førsteamanuensis Bjørn Olav Utvik hadde datteren til Ennadha-lederen Rachid Gannouchi på sitt seminar på Universitet i Oslo, sier noe. Hun går med hijab, men snakker flytende engelsk. Hun var islamisme med et menneskelig ansikt, men hørte man nøye etter var det mye hun ikke sa, og måten hun uttrykte seg på, var også spesiell.

Islamistenes budskap er at det ikke er noen motsetning mellom islam og modernitet og demokrati. Samtidig sier de at islam er en pakke, man kan ikke velge og vrake.

Ennadha har en fordel foran valget om to måneder: de er best organisert, akkurat som i Egypt. Men de har ikke tid til å vente på valgene, de rykker frem på “bakken”. Det skjer ved at de overtar moskeer. Lov og orden har delvis brutt sammen fordi politstasjoner er brent og politiet har trukket seg tilbake, og fungerer ikke. Ennadha har fylt tomrommet. Lokalt oppretter de sikkerhetskomiteer, og de danner komiteer som skal administrere moskeene. Sakte men sikkert presser de ut den lokale imam og erstatter den med en av sine.

De står også utenfor skolene og oppfører elevene til å kle seg anstendig.

Dette er tydelige tegn på hva som er i vente.

Tunisia er et ganske sekulært land, hvor turistene kan være iført bikini på stranden og alkoholen er fritt tilgjengelig. Derfor vil et islamistisk fremstøt møte motstand.

“People are feeling the pressure. Women come up to me and say, what about Ennahda – they’re going to make me wear a veil,” said Maya Jribi, secretary general of the main liberal party, the PDP, Ennadha’s main rival, and one of Tunisia’s top female politicians.
..
Mokhtar Trifi, head of the country’s human rights league, says that manifestations of Islamic radicalism – forced veiling, forced prayer, and condemnations for apostasy – are rising, too, all over the country.
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Earlier this month, in the poor Tunis suburb of Ettadhamen, Ennahda activists organised patrols to protect residents from rioting and looting (the local police, despised truncheon-arm of the regime, had their station torched after the revolution, and are still nowhere to be seen).
And in mosques across the country, Ennahda is moving to take control.
“After the revolution, seven local fundamentalists from Ennahda came,” says Aziz Khasseba, a teacher who is fighting to stop what he says is an Ennahda takeover of the Ahmadi mosque in Boumhal, just south of Tunis.
“They created a committee to control the wellbeing of the mosque. They meet every night, behind closed doors. They want to replace the imam and we’ve got up a petition to stop it. Even in front of the lycees [schools], they’re telling young people what to wear. They’re taking advantage of the revolution.”
In the town of Sfax, Habib Maaloul, the former imam at the el-Manar mosque, told The Sunday Telegraph that he and 15 other local imams had been forced from their posts by Ennahda activists.
“I was afraid,” he said. “I could complain, but the government is weak, it doesn’t want to get into a confrontation with Ennahda.”

Islamistene av Ennadhas og Brorskapets variant presenterer seg som islamistiske feminister. De hevder å være for kvinners deltakelse. Men det er på islamismens premisser, og idealene klinger derfor falske. Men også i Norge har de sine tilhengere. I den nye boken Utilslørt, blir slike synspunkt presentert. Sara Azmeh Rasmussen kaller det en romantisering av islam.

De som lar seg besnære av denne form for feminisme har det kanskje ikke klart for seg hvilke side de støtter i den arabiske verden. Kanskje de heller ikke vil vite det. Men at de velger side er helt klart, når man leser artikler som Gilligans.

Ennahda does not want to impose the veil, Sharia law or an alcohol ban, though another spokesman, Abdullah Zouari, admits that a ban may be a long-term goal.
Ennahda voted for a rule that 50 per cent of candidates in the forthcoming election must be women. It denies any link with forced prayer and forced head-coverings – and so far none has been proved. Rashid Ghannounchi, Ennahda’s leader, even went to a tourist beach and said that nudity was fine with him.
But many Tunisians simply do not trust the party. “Our problem is the gap between what they say and what they do,” said Jribi, the liberal leader.
“There’s one message in the media and another in the mosques, where they are doing a big campaign. There they say that Islam is a package, you have to take the whole package. For politicians to say that, that’s very dangerous.”

Tunisia: Birthplace of the Arab Spring fears Islamist insurgence